It may also create incentives for the resolution and prevention of conflicts by offering benefits of integration to various multilateral structures and greater prospects for economic development and prosperity. If nationalism were a purely cultural phenomenon, sustained by values of common belonging and solidarity and driven solely by motives of cultural preservation, it would be an isolationist force strongly opposed to globalization and everything that is associated with it.
When it comes to nationalism, the distinction between culture and politics becomes particularly blurred. He seems to suggest that risks are more perceived than real and that states should simply accept minority claims, including the right to secession because there is simply no other democratic and better alternative. Even if the Basque Country and Scotland decide to secede and form an independent state, there is no real expectation that these newly formed states would be hostile to either Spain or Britain and pose any serious danger to them.
This question has puzzled many observers and generated numerous arguments that dominated the debate at various stages in recent history. At the same time, however, nationalism provides a solid basis for building cohesive polities that maintain their distinct identity and contribute to the plurality and diversity of the international system. The answer partly lies in the nature of nationalism, which is fundamentally political or even geopolitical, rather than cultural. This is the case in relations between Georgia and its breakaway region of Abkhazia.
OpenEdition est un portail de ressources électroniques en sciences humaines et sociales. Why should Russia care about the strength of the Russian language in other countries, hardly an endangered category? The emphasis on strong identity and national self-awareness as preconditions for building and maintaining an effective political community requires that nationalism remains defensive of its borders and puts limits on liberal values of individual freedom and universal justice.
All these efforts were made in the name of protecting and promoting Georgia’s national interests. Classical empires may be a matter of the past but there are other ways of projecting influence, not least through cultural claims underpinned by geopolitical and strategic considerations.
It relied heavily on the use of national symbols such as St. Stephen’s Crown that infuriated Hungary’s neighbors.10 The supporters and initiators of the Status Law described it as “a framework for unifying the Hungarian nation as a whole, whose spiritual communities were created historically and developed by a common past and culture, and share a common destiny.”11 Since the goal of national unification was meant to be achieved by the peaceful adoption of the law and not by forceful redrawing of borders, the Status Law supporters hailed it as the first postmodern legal document specifically adapted to the globalized world of “retreating states” and integrating Europe.
Ernest Gellner's Nations and Nationalism (1983) provides one of the most powerful and original interpretations of modern nationalism. “More precisely, it is a doctrine about how communities should constitute themselves if they wish to increase their chances of non-absorption in an international environment based on separate, competitive, often expansionist states.”15 In this system, therefore, building communities with a strong sense of identity bounded by common culture, language, and heritage acquires a special political and strategic value.16.
This leads to the perception of nationalism as a force resisting and mounting a backlash against globalization and against threats to the “national” community that are associated with it. Neither can it serve as a reliable guide to normative judgments about contemporary nationalism and its role in the global era. The treaty defined Hungary’s new borders, leaving 3.3 million ethnic Hungarians outside the post-Trianon Hungary.
In this view, globalization is a phenomenon driven by technological innovations and markets not by governments.
Vous pouvez suggérer à votre établissement et à la bibliothèque que vous avez l'habitude de fréquenter de souscrire un abonnement à OpenEdition Freemium.N'hésitez pas à lui indiquer nos coordonnées :contact@openedition.orgOpenEdition (Cléo)c/o École centrale de Marseille – Technopôle de Château-Gombert38 rue Frédéric Joliot-Curie13013 Marseille Cedex 20Vous pouvez également nous indiquer à l'aide du formulaire suivant les coordonnées de votre établissement ou de votre bibliothèque afin de nous permettre de leur fournir des informations au sujet d'OpenEdition et de ses offres d'abonnement. As Andrew Hurrell has argued, the move to economic multilateralism should be explained by consequences of the Second World War and security concerns during the Cold War. 4 Anthony Smith (1991) National Identity, London: Penguin, p. 74. 25The case of European integration in this respect is indicative. However, the terms of integration offered to members of immigrant migrant communities and people belonging to traditional national minorities are quite different. No assurances of cultural protection, power-sharing, and autonomy seem to be sufficient for ending the confrontation between warring ethnic groups once the trust in their peaceful coexistence is broken.
On the one hand stand opponents of globalization who present a romanticized view of nationalism as a source of meaning and belonging, as a solace for atomized, insecure individuals and as a protector of cultural diversity amidst risks of growing homogenization and rootlesness.
28The normative ambiguity that surrounds nationalism becomes particularly prevalent in connection with globalization. Adresse : Nádor utca 11 H-1051 Budapest Hongrie.
This is precisely the rationale behind the conditionality policies developed by various international institutions that may be an effective tool if applied properly. Nationalism promotes globalization in so far as, and as long as, globalization is desirable for national power and security and does not fundamentally challenge the system of nation-states. A complete disengagement from globalization is not an option because the costs involved are too high not least for the purposes of security and stability. Globalization, however, through growing immigration, makes the attainment of such unity and cohesion increasingly difficult. It is possible to single out two distinct approaches to this question. 10 See Natalie Sabanadze (2006), “Minorities and Kin-States,” Helsinki Monitor, 3, pp. It may instead be used to promote values of justice, equality and protection of human, including minority rights. On the other hand, however, increasing immigration and movement of people associated with globalization may create new sources of tension and pose new difficulties to the management of cultural and ethnic diversity in democratic states. Recent immigrants, particularly from Muslim countries, are perceived as much more of a security risk to West European states and thus the emphasis is put on their assimilation and integration into mainstream society rather than on the protection and promotion of their culture and identity.
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